The New York City Marathon: the social impacts of a mega-event

Harris, G. & Busby, G. (2008) Proceedings of the 2nd ITSA conference - Globalisation, Tourism and Development: mega-events and urban tourism, Shanghai, 9-12 November 2008, ISBN 9789881795113, pp72-78

Large events produce both positive (Emery, 2002) and negative impacts which affect the local community (Fredline, 2004). Previous research has predominantly assessed economic impacts (Hiller, 1998) and, therefore, this study concentrates on the social impacts of the New York Marathon, a logical point of study as it is the world’s largest single day sporting event (Anon, no date) and there is growing acknowledgment that such impacts can be substantial (Fredline and Faulkner 2000). Social impacts are so significant that they should be studied first (Krippendorf, 1987); whilst Getz and Fairley (2004) studied the Gold Coast Airport Marathon, there appears to be no research on the New York marathon’s social impacts, therefore this study is important especially as the number of those taking part increases annually. In total, 171 residents in the five boroughs, through which the route runs, were interviewed through a closed questionnaire; some qualitative research and observation was also undertaken. It was concluded that the marathon is, undoubtedly, a mega-event as it is able to attract tourism and has an impact upon the local community. These impacts included an increased sense of pride among the residents and in Manhattan residents believed that media presence would boost tourism to the city. Negative impacts included a greater difficulty in parking due to road closures and more vehicles entering the city on race day. In the poorer boroughs it was found that residents felt that money could have been spent on more important projects. The severity of the impacts generally decreased the further the respondent lived from the marathon route. Resident responses were predominantly positive towards its presence – due to its entertainment value and it lasting only one day in length.

References
Anon (no date) The History of the ING New York City Marathon [Online] http://www.nycmarathon.org/about/history.php [date accessed: 1st December 2007] 

Emery, P.R. (2002) Bidding to Host a Major Sports Event: The Local Organising Committee Perspective. International Journal of Public Sector Management, 15 (4), 316-335.

Fredline, L. (2004) Host Community Reactions to Motorsport Events In Ritchie, B.W.and Adair, D. (eds.) Sport Tourism. Interrelationships, Impacts and Issues. Clevedon: Channel View Publications, 155-171.

Fredline, E. and Faulkner, B. (2000) Host Community Reactions - A Cluster Analysis. Annals of Tourism Research, 27 (3), 763-784.

Getz, D. and Fairley, S. (2004) Media Management at Sport Events for Destination Promotion: Case Studies and Concepts. Event Management, 8 (3), 127-139.

Hiller, H.H. (1998) Assessing the Impact of Mega-Events: A Linkage Model. Current Issues in Tourism, 1 (1), 47-57.

Krippendorf, J. (1987) The Holiday Makers. Understanding the Impact of Leisure and Travel. Oxford: Butterworth Heinemann.

An Inspector Calls: Farm Accommodation Providers' Attitudes to Quality Assurance Schemes

Estimates suggest that 10,000 farms in the United Kingdom offer Bed and Breakfast (B & B) serviced accommodation. A thorough review of the existing literature indicates over fifty percent of Devon and Cornwall’s farmhouse B&B sector operate without participating in any form of quality assurance inspection scheme. This research executes a stratified postal survey to gain a comprehensive understanding of Devon’s farmhouse B&B product with particular interest in extracting providers’ attitudes towards quality assurance inspection schemes. The very representative results suggest a divergence of attitudes towards the notion of quality inspections for all farmhouse B&B providers.

Cephallonia and Captain Corelli’s Mandolin: the influence of literature and film on British visitors

The popular media, such as literature, television and cinema films, can increase visitor numbers to featured destinations. This study investigates the success of the novel and subsequent film Captain Corelli’s Mandolin, both set on the island of Cephallonia. Data was collected from British tourists departing the island at the end of their holiday. As a tourist-motivating factor, Captain Corelli’s Mandolin was found to consciously influence holiday choice for a minority of British tourists, with most destination decisions centring on other factors, such as verbal recommendation. Tourists who first visited Cephallonia after release of the novel, rather than the film, desire unchanged or less promotion, suggesting a dichotomy of motivation when compared to those visiting since film production. This study advances existing knowledge in the niche area of film and literary tourism, relating tentative findings to the conceptual models. 

Cultural Capital in Cornwall: Heritage and the Visitor

Co-authored with Kevin Meethan, In Payton, P. (Ed.) Cornish Studies Sixteen, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 2008, 146-166.

Busby, G. & Meethan, K. (2008) Cultural Capital in Cornwall: Heritage and the Visitor, In Payton, P. (Ed.) Cornish Studies Sixteen, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 146-166.

CULTURAL CAPITAL IN CORNWALL: HERITAGE AND THE VISITOR

INTRODUCTION

The concept of cultural capital has two forms, namely, personal and destination-based. The term appears to have been first used by Bourdieu and Passeron in 19731 although, it is argued, that it became familiar to a much wider audience with the 1979 publication of Bourdieu’s seminal work Distinction (English translation 1984). Bourdieu2 and Richards3 suggest it refers to the individual’s ability to ‘understand’ what they are looking at, based largely on their level of education, which will predispose them to value and interpret certain forms of culture over others. In recent years, and less frequently, cultural capital has also been used as a term to refer to the potential economic value which may be derived from the inventory of ‘assets’ at a given destination.4

This case study outlines the features which are argued to present the westernmost county of England – Cornwall – as being distinctive, based on a degree of ‘Otherness’. It then discusses the meaning of heritage tourism, before addressing both forms of cultural capital. The case study presents examples of destination-based cultural capital in the county, emphasising the intangible nature of some; then, a substantial data-set is examined in order to investigate personal cultural capital, before discussing where the nexus between the two can be said to exist.

Cornwall has been popular with both domestic and international visitors for more than a century,5 possessing a linguistic and cultural heritage distinct from the rest of England.6 The compilations of folklore in the 19th century by Hunt and Bottrell resulting, respectively, in Popular Romances of the West of England: or Drolls, Traditions and Superstitions of Old Cornwall (1865) and Traditions and Hearthside Stories of West Cornwall (1870-80), located “Cornishness in a ‘primitive’, dark and wild ‘Celtic’ culture” where ancient superstitions had survived the impact of Roman, Saxon, Danish and Norman invasion.7 Later in the century, the 1893 Ethnographic Survey of the British Isles studied the inhabitants and folklore of the county at thirty-five locations since it was presumed that Cornwall’s geographic location would provide a “remarkably uncorrupted race of ‘primitive’ people”.8

The humorous suggestion of locals receiving “gazey-money” for permitting tourists to stare at them9 has a certain resonance in this context, especially given portrayals in recent films such as Blue Juice (1995), Saving Grace (1999) and the television series Doc Martin. Alan Kent suggests that there are elements of authenticity in these productions,10 certainly the portrayal of Cornwall as very peripheral. Undoubtedly, “folkloric practices are attractions in their own rights”.11 Both the folklore and ethnographic studies were concerned with assessing a population that was considered to be inferior to the racially superior Anglo-Saxon: in other words, power relations were never far below the surface. However, Cornish culture has a rich history with lives of the saints having been written in the local language in the fifteenth century12 and one example of a miracle play Beunans Meriasek, celebrating the life of St Meriadec of Camborne, illustrates another medium for the transmission of the indigenous culture. As Fukuyama has recognised, language is “the most important tool for creating and transmitting culture”;13 whilst the Cornish language presents an element of difference, it is argued that the Cornu-English dialect is what many visitors recognise, Kent referring to the dialect, itself, as being a cultural tourism activity, creating an “exotic ‘other’”.14

From another perspective, the influence of artists, over the last two hundred years, on perceptions of Cornwall also needs to be considered: they have been influenced by the landscape and vice versa, hence, “Cornish communities are immortalized vicariously by the creation of numerous works of art that encompass a sense of Cornishness”.15 Significantly, nearly all of the artists were not indigenous; it was their portrayal of the county which created many perceptions of Cornwall in the 19th and early 20th centuries. There are, then, multiple representations of Cornwall, from popularly-held stereotype images of the county which comprise a guide book culture16 to one “of pirates, piskies and sweeping landscapes filled with exotic Celts”;17 indeed, Busby & Laviolette argue that it is frequently taken for granted that Cornwall is worthy of a visit because it is different.18 Certainly, “tourists have very distinctive perceptions of Cornwall”19 and, as McGettigan & Burns observe, in relation to Ireland, visitors may not be visiting solely because of the heritage sites and culture – but it is almost certainly implicit in their perception.20 Whilst Celtic heritage features are prominent,21 this is but one aspect of ‘Otherness’. Within the county, the two hundred plus churches are argued to be a key Celtic heritage component; the Cornish church heritage is, as a group of sites, the oldest and most distinctive in England.22


HERITAGE TOURISM
The term heritage evokes notions of continuity between the past and the present, and is also linked to the notion of common ownership by some collectivity. Most typically, and as suggested by Williams,23 heritage relates to places and the built environment; in other words, selected material elements of culture. As such, heritage can encapsulate ideas redolent of place, history and culture, which in the UK ranges from the industrial heritage of South Wales to the stately homes of England. Growing out of a popular critique of urban development in the latter decades of the 20th century, heritage, as Tunbridge24 argues, has become entwined in a number of contemporary issues such as place promotion, lifestyle diversity and environmental amenity, all encapsulated by an emphasis on the creation of distinctive local identities, often with an explicit economic and touristic aim.25 This is what Inglis & Holmes refer to as a heritagization process whereby cultural resources are converted into products for tourist consumption.26 An example of a tourism resource which is not usually considered to be a product of culture is the ‘natural’ environment;27 having said that, once the landscape is ‘valued’, a social construction is applied and it, arguably, becomes a cultural landscape,28 the relevance of which will be seen later. 

A central issue here is that of commodification29 which is also at the core of Silberberg’s definition.30 However, we also have to bear in mind that heritage as a form of consumption, as Lowenthal reminds us, is not a testable account of a particular past, rather it is “a declaration of faith in that past”.31 This accords with Harvey who considers that heritage involves “subjective interpretation of selective material”;32 therefore, the value of heritage is in the experiences of place and history they invoke, rather than any intrinsic quality of the place or object, itself.33 The invocation of the past also bridges the divide between the individual and social memory, the collective values that are encapsulated by particular places.34

For the purposes of this article, it is suggested that the many ecclesiastical sites in the county form the Cornish church heritage and attract a broad range of visitors, many of whom can be termed heritage tourists. The locations visited incorporate Cornish/Celtic culture over time, although it has been subject to re-negotiation and re-assertion during the centuries;35 the sites provide a link with the past and permit “society to make sense of the present”.36 Whilst some prior research exists,37 there has been no consideration of the relationship between level of education of visitors and individual perception of the heritage – personal cultural capital. With growing interest in heritage tourism, it is argued that the religious heritage segment can be developed further within a destination portfolio – destination-based cultural capital, a key element in Richards & Wilson’s38 notion of creative tourism development, for there is remarkably little promotion of this heritage resource. 

Combining both quantitative and qualitative approaches, the research reported in this paper adopted two data collection methods, namely, content analysis of church visitors’ books and a substantive empirical study over forty-eight days, resulting in 725 respondents; these methods have been discussed in previous issues of Cornish Studies39 and are, therefore, described only briefly here. As Holsti observes, words represent “the author’s inner feelings… there are constant, though probabilistic, relationships between the content of communication and underlying motives of their authors”.40 When these words are provided in textual format, as in the Visitors’ Books, it is argued that they provide some understanding of possession of personal cultural capital. The face-to-face, interviewer completion survey permitted a high degree of random sampling – non-probability sampling, in this context41 – and enabled the researcher to address a number of concepts, besides construction of a visitor profile.42 Sixteen questions assisted in the consideration of Bourdieu’s cultural capital with regard to visitors. 

DESTINATION-BASED CULTURAL CAPITAL

With two forms of cultural capital, the first to be examined is that which is situated within a given destination; these are the features, tangible and intangible, which can be discerned and, in many cases, have the potential to be utilised. Karlsson argues that “cultural capital refers to the influence of culture and tradition for the development of tourism”,43 thereby suggesting that destinations may commodify inherent resources for tourism promotion purposes: Alzua et al44 refer to this process as the construction of cultural capital; Boissevain suggests this has occurred on Malta with regard to religious resources.45 These resources may be site-specific or destination-wide besides being intangible elements. A review of Prentice’s twenty-three types of heritage attraction, for example, suggests that some aspects of an area are not site-specific: seeing road-signs written in Welsh “can be a significant part of an area’s attractiveness to tourists”46 – these signs are modern road furnishings and relate to the culture of the location as much as the language. This is particularly apposite in Cornwall where Penwith District Council, comprising the far west of the county, approved bilingual road signs in 1997.47

The resources of a destination are either latent (almost always tangible elements) or potential cultural capital. Urry’s commentary on Lancaster illustrates latent cultural capital:

“Three conditions are necessary… there would have to be a number of attractive and reasonably well-preserved buildings from a range of historical periods. In Lancaster’s case these were medieval (a castle), Georgian (the customs house and many town-houses) and Victorian (old mills)… such buildings would have to be used for activities in some ways consistent with the tourist gaze… the buildings should in some sense have been significant historically, that they stand for or signify important historical events, people or processes”.48

With potential cultural capital, for example, less tangible elements of heritage such as the connections between authors and a locale have been utilised for tourism promotional purposes;49 that is, they can be created from one year to the next. Connections between authors and a locale can also be juxtaposed with other heritage – at one of the three survey churches (Lanteglos-by-Fowey) novelist Daphne du Maurier was married on 19 July 1932. This has been utilised by events organisers in the eponymous annual festival and the creation of du Maurier Country, resulting in international visitors, as two examples from the Visitors’ Book comments for 2000, illustrate:


“Can see where Daphne du Maurier gained some of her inspiration”
– Visitor from Ruthin, Wales, 26 April

“Felt Daphne’s spirit”
– German visitor, 8 July.


The nationality of the latter author highlights the global-local nexus of du Maurier Country. Arguably, it is books such as du Maurier’s Vanishing Cornwall,50 besides her fiction set in Cornwall, which act as ‘the marker’51 for these visitors. It is the inclination, besides disposable time and money, which marks out these visitors as representatives of what Munt terms the new middle classes.52   

In establishing the annual Daphne du Maurier Festival, in 1997, Restormel Borough Council have commodified the latent cultural capital;53 put another way, use of the famous author adds “a measure of cultural capital to the projected images”.54 Similarly, conversion of literature to the screen brings about impacts on otherwise little-known locations55 – Winterset, Iowa was a mid-West town catapulted into tourism by The Bridges of Madison County movie which emphasised the historic covered bridges. Critically, destination-based cultural capital can be tangible or intangible; the reference to du Maurier’s oeuvre is but one in a wider discourse of the influence of fiction upon Cornwall56 – Cornwall is not unique in this respect for the attentions of the media may be the activating catalyst, consider the impact on South Wales tourism as a result of the new Dr Who television serialization.57   

It is only with commodification that destination-based cultural capital reaches a wide audience; representations of Cornwall have been commodified for the visitor in a number of ways, not least through souvenirs and food products. For example, the ‘Made in Cornwall’ scheme was introduced in 1991 by the county council’s Trading Standards Service with the intention of providing a clearly identifiable logo (of a mine engine house) for genuine Cornish products. The view of the County Trading Standards Officer is shown in full here: 


“the description ‘Cornish’ is generally associated with quality. Unfortunately, like so many good things, someone always tries to copy or impersonate the Cornish identity, and descriptions such as ‘Cornish Ice Cream’, ‘Cornish Pasty’ and ‘Cornish Cream Fudge’, which are in use daily by companies throughout the country, are examples of this. The range of products registered with the scheme continues to grow as more and more manufacturers join. The scheme has attracted over 500 small and large producers looking to sell good quality, locally made goods”.58 


This well-intentioned initiative has not created an association of Cornwall with pasties and other products in the minds of visitors to the county since the association clearly pre-dates the 1990s. What it has done is to commodify these products for consumption, in a very literal sense, by visitors: in other words, they are vehicles for the expression of Cornish culture. As such, they demarcate ‘Cornishness’ in a way that sets it apart from the perceived dominance of the wider culture of the UK. Other aspects of the county are also used in this way. One of Laviolette’s ethnographic study informants, a tourist to Cornwall, was photographing as many “Celtic cross images” as possible and purchasing “pewter brooches [St Justin] of engine houses as souvenir gifts” – a recent example of a consumer of both historic and contemporary Cornwall.59 Hale also describes the ways in which ‘Celtic Cornwall’ is both created and sold in the marketplace.60 In any event, such ‘commoditization’ is not, axiomatically, destructive61 although it almost certainly reinforces popularly-held stereotype images of the county, discussed above.

Turning to another form of destination-based cultural capital, the establishment of the National Churches Tourism Group (now the Church Tourism Association), in the late 1990s, recognised the need for dissemination of good practice between members now that “more people visit churches than attend”.62 In many cases, local authorities have become involved in active promotion of churches as tourism resources – latent cultural capital; for example, West Lindsey District Council with the annual Churches Festival involving 65 properties,63 and South Somerset and East Devon District Councils with the production of promotional literature. Keeling discusses the components of five initiatives: Hereford & Worcester’s ‘Through the Church Door’, Lincolnshire’s Church Tourism Network, ‘The Christian Heritage of Northumbria’, ‘Signposting Herefordshire Churches’, and Ely Church Trails, all of which involved either the regional tourist board or local authorities.64 

Before considering the Cornish church heritage, mention must be made of the nature of the church heritage experience. It is neither packaged not controlled, and as such is a matter of individual interpretation65 which is not filtered through the presence of interpreters or cultural intermediaries.66 This contrasts strongly with Richards’ views on the development of attractions such as shops and malls where an ever-greater level of product awareness and experience is demanded.67 Parallel to this, some attractions even use the term: The White Cliffs Experience, The Tower Bridge Experience, and those that do not imply a “story”68 around which the attraction is constructed. Consider The Oxford Story, A Day at the Wells, The Canterbury Tales. Is this a return to new forms of high and mass culture (cultural tourism)? Ironically, Ritzer refers to experiences in malls, department stores and such like settings as “cathedrals of consumption… (possessing) sometimes even sacred, religious character for many people”, although no evidence appears to be presented.69 

Hamilton Jenkin70 identifies 220 parish churches in Cornwall; these are classic examples of what Kennedy & Kingcome term “serious heritage”.71 In terms of the proportion of Grade I and II* properties to the total for the county, the current estimate, based on the 2001 Truro Diocesan Directory, suggests that there are 224 churches, of which 130 are listed grade I and 66 are II*, representing 58% and 29% of the total respectively. Critically, for the concept of destination-based cultural capital, they are not actively promoted. They attract visitors for a plethora of reasons72 and are argued to represent latent cultural capital.

A further point to make about the county’s church heritage concerns its place in the indigenous cultural legacy; the church both symbolises Cornish culture, historically, and to some extent reproduces it; in contemporary tourism, the historically layered relations intersect with newer social ones. The development of the World Wide Web may have some influence in this: the site Cornish Light (www.cornishlight.freeserve.co.uk) depicts a number of examples of churches whilst some parishes have created web-sites for their own church. St Just in Roseland, one of the top two visited churches in the county, has an extensive range of views of the property (www.stjustinroseland.org.uk) and the Diocesan web-site (www.truro.anglican.org) features a Parish of the Month link; virtual tours of some of these properties are complemented by virtual visitors’ books. Another form of web-site is provided by the Lynher Valley marketing consortium (www.lynhervalley.co.uk) whereby details of the twelve churches along the length of the river are provided; this web-site juxtaposes notions of diaspora with the Lynher Valley, providing a family history page. Of the three messages viewable on 23 August 2005, two provided place of origin (of poster): one was Ontario and one New Zealand. 

THE CONCEPT OF PERSONAL CULTURAL CAPITAL

From the individual perspective, does possession of graduate qualifications confer cultural capital? Almost certainly, yes, although the ability can be acquired in other ways. Uncertificated education is of equal importance; consider John Harris’ rise to eminence at the Royal Institute of British Architects, following spells working with Nikolaus Pevsner, celebrated author of The Buildings of England, Howard Colvin and James Lees-Milne73 – few would doubt that Harris possesses a significant stock of cultural capital despite leaving school at a young age. Personal cultural capital may be accumulated via membership of learned societies and other bodies such as The National Trust (of England and Wales); in the Cornish survey, 43 per cent of respondents were members; 5 per cent belonged to English Heritage, and 3 per cent belonged to a further thirteen different heritage organisations. It is argued that membership of such bodies provides both contextualised and subliminal learning, visiting country houses with a range of works creates a certain familiarity.

However, it is argued that where a particular form of heritage tourism has not been previously studied, the socio-economic profile is still the most relevant starting point for discussion. Table 1 illustrates such data for the visitors to the three survey churches. In terms of gender representation, 35.8 per cent of the sample was male and 64.2 per cent female, reflecting the estimated ratio of visitors observed over a number of days. As might be expected, the age profile is predominantly middle-aged, more specifically, the 14.8 per cent of respondents aged 35-44 corresponds with the 2001 UK national population figure of 14.9 per cent.74 However, in the 45-54 age band, the respondents represent 23.4 per cent of the sample compared to a national figure of 13.2%.

The next age band, 55-64, shows greater differentiation still: 30 per cent of respondents were in this category compared to the national figure of 10.6 per cent. The figures for 65-74 are 20.5 per cent for the respondents and 8.4 per cent for the total population. Finally, 5.1 per cent of respondents were aged over 75 compared to the national figure of 7.5 per cent. Arguably, there is a case of older visitors appreciating the past more75 – furthermore, this is the point to return to ‘how’ cultural capital is acquired: when most of the visitor population were aged eighteen, few attended university although, it is argued, this need not preclude acquisition of cultural capital. As might well be expected, a significant association (p=<.001) exists between qualification and social class in this survey.






Table 1. Church survey respondent features. 

Respondent data Gunwalloe  St Just-in-Roseland Lanteglos-by-
Fowey 
n = 286 294 145
British 266 (93%) 266 (90%) 131 (90%)
Overseas   20 (7%)   28 (10%)   14 (10%)
Day visitor   29 (10%)   18 (6%)   24 (17%)
First visit to Cornwall   17 (6%)   31 (11%)   11 (8%)
Three or more visits 217 (76%) 208 (71%)   95 (66%)
Under 25     2 (1%)     5 (2%)     0
25 – 34      17 (6%)   12 (4%)     8 (6%)
35 – 44   42 (15%)   43 (15%)   22 (15%)
45 – 54   73 (26%)   52 (18%)   44 (31%)
55 – 64   82 (29%)   99 (34%)   35 (24%)
65 – 74   51 (18%)   67 (23%)   30 (21%)
Over 75   18 (6%)   15 (5%)     4 (3%)
Retired (E) 123 (43%) 123 (42%)   53 (37%)
Socio-economic type A,B   82 (29%) 100 (34%)   63 (44%)
Graduate qualifications   80 (30%) 107 (39%)   68 (50%)
Household income –
Under £7,499 p.a.   15 (7%)     9 (4%)     0
£7,500 - £9,999   12 (5%)     3 (1%)     2 (2%)
£10,000 - £14,999    28 (12%)   27 (12%)     9 (10%)
£15,000 - £19,999   26 (12%)   33 (15%)     9 (10%)
£20,000 - £24,999   24 (11%)   29 (13%)     9 (10%)
£25,000 - £29,999   21 (9%)   30 (13%)   12 (13%)
£30,000 - £39,999   40 (18%)   24 (11%)   15 (16%)
£40,000 - £49,999    26 (12%)   26 (12%)     6 (7%)
£50,000 - £59,999   14 (6%)   18 (8%)     9 (10%)
£60,000 - £69,999     8 (4%)   10 (4%)     6 (7%)
Above £70,000 p.a.   12 (5%)   17 (8%)   15 (16%)
Notes:
1 Missing values predominate within the household income variable (n = 544).
2 Percentages rounded.
Source: Busby, 2004.   


Whilst there are “inherent fallacies” in attempting to assign particular newspaper or magazine readership to political groupings,76 there is the possibility that gratuitous knowledge may be acquired, that is, the ability or propensity to remember stylistic traits, predicated by education in the broadest sense; for example, “It’s a Rembrandt” and “It’s Impressionist”.77 Bourdieu asserts that the likelihood of reading a national newspaper increases strongly with “educational capital”, with the likelihood of reading a local newspaper “varying in the opposite way”;78 the visitor survey confirms this with the association between type of newspaper and sub H.E./H.E. qualification being significant at the 99.9 per cent significance level (Pearson chi-square=88.812, df=3, p=.000).

It is argued that possessors of personal cultural capital are also likely to utilise specific publications – such as Pevsner’s (1951) Buildings of England series or Simon Jenkins’ (1999) England’s Thousand Best Churches (Pevsner’s 1970 second edition is still in print with Yale University Press and not difficult to acquire). To highlight the importance of such publications for some, the following comment, concerning Jenkins’ work, is taken from a visitors’ book entry:

“Visiting the 1,000 best”
2 August 2000 Lanteglos-by-Fowey church


From a quantitative stance, the data presented in Table 2 is particularly illuminating, with an indication that those possessing higher level qualifications are more likely to use Pevsner’s or Jenkins’ guides – a resonance with MacCannell’s concept of the marker, “a piece of information about a sight”79 and, arguably, a marker of cultural capital.



Table 2. Name of guide book * Fewer qualification categories cross-tabulation

Fewer categories Total
Sub H.E. qualification H.E. qualification
Name of guide book Simon Jenkins' Count 2 20 22
Expected Count 10.8 11.2 22.0
Other Count 2 2 4
Expected Count 2.0 2.0 4.0
Pevsner Count 1 3 4
Expected Count 2.0 2.0 4.0
No guide book used Count 322 318 640
Expected Count 312.8 327.2 640.0
Missing Count 1 0 1
Expected Count .5 .5 1.0
Total Count 328 343 671
Expected Count 328.0 343.0 671.0




As has been suggested above, content analysis of Cornish church visitors’ books is a useful tool and provides other indicators of possession of cultural capital, to varying degrees, amongst visitors. A few examples of visitor comments are provided:

“Is the stained glass by Kemp, or perhaps his pupil??”
4 October 2000, Gunwalloe church.

“the patterns on the pews were (sic) very artistic and were (sic) intricately carved”
21 February 2002, St Just-in-Roseland church.

“Incredible to find remains of original rood screen in a Cornish church”
27th March 2000, Gunwalloe church.


Besides observing a clear relationship between cultural practices and educational capital (defined by qualifications), Bourdieu also considered social origin to be of key significance.80 The proportions of socio-economic types A and B, in the table above, are pertinent for they indicate possible origins, despite mobility, and are relevant to any children in the group. Of those visitors with children in their group (n = 87), 90 per cent considered the visit to be an educational experience – early development of personal cultural capital.

Utilisation of Likert scores for perception of Celticity in the church appearance is illuminating: a statistical association exists, at the 99.5 per cent level, between whether the survey church is perceived as Celtic and highest level of qualification (Pearson chi-square = 11.108, df = 2). In the light of Richards’ substantial survey which indicated “those with professional occupations and higher incomes…(being) significantly more likely to be interested in local culture and history” than others,81 it is argued that perception of the survey church by such individuals is less likely to be part of a hegemonic discourse and more likely to be a rational perspective – with those who view the church with a romantic gaze not possessing the requisite cultural capital to appreciate the temporal development of what is viewed.

Alternatively, drawing on the work of Harvey,82 the nexus may be environmental: 

“places (have) become humanised, with feelings of belonging, rootedness, and familiarity [repeat visitation], through the recognition of symbolic qualities in the ‘natural’ environment ‘by association with current use, past social actions or actions of a mythological character’ (Tilley 1994:24)”83

Visitors recognise the extant church heritage through a range of stories, some mythological. This links closely to the church setting within the landscape. Indeed, drawing together the discussion of ‘Otherness’ and the notion of a The Land of the Saints, Moffat’s assertion that Cornwall appears to be a Land of the Saints84 can be tested statistically; there is an association at the 99.9 per cent level between knowledge of the Cornish Saints and religiosity, operationalised as frequency of worship (Pearson chi-square = 23.737, df = 3). This has a particular resonance with Bradley’s assertion that there is “booming interest in Celtic Christianity”.85 However, from another perspective, however, there is no association between perceptions of Celticity and religiosity. Despite having identified a number of specific variables in this research, it needs to be borne in mind that Bourdieu emphasises “it is vital not to operationalize cultural practices as a discrete set of variables but as a carefully constructed space of lifestyles”.86 Nonetheless, it is argued that these variables to possess an explanatory nature. 


THE NEXUS BETWEEN PERSONAL AND DESTINATION-BASED CULTURAL CAPITAL

Engagement with attractions, created from the destination-based cultural capital, is predicated on a range of factors, including level of education, prior awareness of the site (repeat visitation), interest in the site, its meaning, availability of time, and the presence of competing activities.87 Illustration of the depth of experience cannot be phrased more appositely than in McKercher’s own words:

“An independent tourist who spends four hours at a cultural site probably will have a qualitatively different experience than a coach-trip tourist who spends only five minutes at the same site, simply by virtue of the amount of time invested… people travelling for similar motives may have fundamentally different experiences”.88   


The individual spending four hours will, almost axiomatically, connect more with a specific site; Timothy believes it is the level of connectivity with a site which is significant.89 He also suggests that local sites create more feeling of personal connectivity than national and world ones. Connectivity and depth of experience are, then, closely related. However, the level of importance of cultural tourism in the decision to visit does not incorporate level of personal cultural capital; McKercher90 recognises aspects such as level of education, as noted above, but this is very implicit in the depth of experience axis, that is, two individuals spending four hours at a site can still have differing levels of experience, it is argued. Multi-dimensional scaling91 – with the introduction of a third axis – would permit level of personal cultural capital to be mapped. Personal cultural capital permits the visitor to obtain a qualitatively better experience from visiting the church heritage whilst, concomitantly, acquiring social distinction through the consumption of such experiences.92 Possession of personal cultural capital aids the quest for experience and, thus, creation of distinction. Travel is a key component in cultural capital and, it is argued, in an age of space-time compression,93 journeys to domestic – yet ‘other’ – locations can provide another form of distinction when less-familiar attractions are visited.   

Furthermore, engagement with attractions created from destination-based cultural capital carries within in the seeds for contestation. For example, Gvili & Poria94 argue that perception of any given “heritage site is a complex construct” – for heritage and culture are not value-neutral; they have different meanings for different people,95 the question here of course being whose heritage is it? Edson96 suggests that individuals believe in heritage because they need to, “what they believe in has minimal inherent value”: a somewhat stark view but allied to Deacon’s consideration of multiple representations of Cornwall.97 From another perspective, Graham has utilised the Ulster Folk and Transport Museum to show how sectarian and class-based an attraction can be.98 The profile of visitors to this attraction inclined towards the middle-aged, Protestant middle-class, with their own transport. Graham suggests that, for Catholics, there might be the perception that this is a Unionist establishment, reinforced by its geographical location in the heart of a Protestant area. In any event, this sectarian reading ignores issues of class and environment. However, it does illustrate the fact that heritage can be “a means of ‘cultural capital’, a symbolic resource with a capacity for power”.99 

The issue of contestation is manifest in visitors to Cornish churches, motives range from ‘church-crawling’ (a pastime ingrained on the national psyche by the late John Betjeman) to serendipitous exploration whilst walking the South West Way and on to those seeking connection with diaspora. The “Cornish diaspora”,100 of the nineteenth century, whereby many thousands emigrated to Australia, New Zealand, the USA, Canada and South Africa,101 might account for a large proportion of visitors, to the county, from these nations today – it is certainly considered to be an important tourist market.102 The figures put forward are substantial: citing Deacon’s research, Payton suggests that “at least 240,000 Cornish had gone overseas in the years 1840-1900” and in 1900 an estimated quarter of the white miners on the South African Rand were Cornish.103 It is worth noting Payton’s reporting of Price’s estimate: “in 1992 between 245,000 and 290,000 Australians were of significant Cornish descent, with perhaps as many as 850,000 with some Cornish connections in their family trees”.104 Payton also discusses the strength of identification with Cornwall for descendants living in the United States, Canada and South Africa.105

The Cornish diaspora is yet another illustration of the global-local nexus and one of, arguably, increasing importance given the lower per-unit costs of travel;106 given the numbers of Australians with Cornish connections, stated above, it is sobering to note that celebrities such as Clive James and John Baxter felt it necessary, because of “stratospheric air fares”, to spend thirty days on board ship to reach Europe as recently as 1969: “the trip was nobody’s idea of fun”.107 From thirty days to less than twenty-four hours, at significantly lower cost, in real terms, can only stimulate identity-forming exercises: “diasporic travel and tourism shape an individual’s self-perception”.108 Diasporic visitors are also likely to possess the gratuitous knowledge form of personal cultural capital, it is argued, by dint of their fascination with genealogy.

CONCLUSION
The literature indicates that cultural capital is a ubiquitous term, used interchangeably to refer to individual attributes – or those of a destination though more frequently to the former. This paper has used the tourist-popular county of Cornwall, as a case study, to illustrate both forms of the term. Possession of personal cultural capital has been shown to be strongly correlated with level of education although this does not necessarily have to be certificated. Possessors of cultural capital are argued to be those who use more comprehensive, specialist, guide books; there is also a relationship with the type of newspaper read as well. Perhaps surprisingly, results of the first UK cultural capital mapping exercise have only recently become available. Destination-based cultural capital may be represented by tangible or intangible elements; tangible elements are argued to provide latent cultural capital whereas potential cultural capital is illustrated by reference to connections between authors and areas. In Cornwall, the tangible heritage is manifest in the plethora of megaliths, castles and churches, the latter type being significantly less promoted; the intangible heritage describes the symbolic, aesthetic and spiritual features of a location. Although the identity of a place may change as a result of tourism activity,109 and there has certainly been a degree of “enkitschment”,110 Cornwall’s churches are a consistent component in the destination mix and seminal to the creation of local distinctiveness.111 It is argued that many visitors view these churches through the lens of a wider cultural reproduction of Cornwall; according to Payton, “Cornish churches slip easily into constructions of ‘Celtic Cornwall’”.112 The proportion of the total listed as grade I hints at more than just architectural importance, the churches of the county form a significant component of the extant heritage and also contribute to notions of Cornish identity for the diasporic visitor.
The nexus between personal and destination-based cultural capital is observed in the level of engagement with particular visitor attractions. Whilst McKercher’s model of cultural tourism experience is useful, it is considered that a third dimension, that of level of personal cultural capital, is needed. Critically, this case study suggests how the concept of destination-based cultural capital forms a key element in creative tourism product development, argued by Richards & Wilson to be one way out of the serial reproduction of culture.113 Another facet of the destination-based cultural capital perspective is that the visitor engages with the built heritage and surrounding landscape and not the local residents, an observation noted elsewhere by Tzanelli.114 Ultimately, what matters is that nearly every aspect of culture is “touristifiable” and capable of conveying “image, experience, the authentic or the exotic”.115
An earlier version of this paper was presented at the 18th Biennial International Tourism and Hospitality Congress, Opatija, Croatia, 3rd to 5th May 2006
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Contributor details –

Dr. Graham Busby is Programme Manager (BSc Tourism Awards) and University Teaching Fellow at the University of Plymouth. He has published extensively on literary and film-induced tourism besides various facets of Cornish Studies.


Dr. Kevin Meethan is a Senior Lecturer in Sociology at the University of Plymouth, and has been researching and writing about tourism for a number of years; publications include Tourism In Global Society: Place, culture, consumption (Palgrave Macmillan) and, more recently, Tourism Consumption and Representation:  Narratives of place and self, (CABI) an edited collection. His research interests include globalisation, cultural change and consumption, the cultural industries and regeneration policy. He is also a member of the editorial boards for Tourism Today and Cultural Sociology.



           

Activist, pragmatist, reflector or theorist? In search of postgraduate learning styles in tourism and hospitality education

Co-authored with Rong Huang,, Journal of Hospitality, Leisure, Sport and Tourism Education, 6 (2) 92-99, 2007. 

Narratives in the Net: Fiction and Cornish Tourism

Co-authored with Patrick Laviolette, In Payton, P. (Ed.) Cornish Studies Fourteen, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 142-163, 2006.

The Corellification of Cephallonian Tourism

Co-authored with Kerry O'Neill and Steve Butts, Anatolia, 16 (2) 207-226, 2005.

Work experience and industrial links

In Airey, D. & Tribe, J. (Eds) An International Handbook of Tourism Education, Elsevier, London, 93-107, 2005. 

The contested Cornish church heritage

In Payton, P. (Ed.) Cornish Studies Twelve, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 166-183, 2004.

The Tailor of Gloucester: Potter meets Potter – literary tourism in a cathedral city

Co-authored with Jenna George, Conference Proceedings – Tourism and Literature, Harrogate, 22-26 July, ISBN 1843870853, 2004.

Tourism degree internships: a longitudinal study

Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 55 (3) 319-334, 2003.

‘A true Cornish treasure’: Gunwalloe and the Cornish church as visitor attraction

In Payton, P. (Ed.) Cornish Studies Eleven, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 168-191, 2003.

English Rural Church Tourism: A Visitor Typology

Co-authored with Janet Brice and Paul Brunt, Acta Turistica, 15 (2) 144-162, 2003.

In Agatha Christie Country: resident perception of special interest tourism

Co-authored with Paul Brunt and Julia Lund, Tourism, 51 (3) 287-300, 2003.

The concept of sustainable tourism within the higher education curriculum: a British case study

Journal of Hospitality, Leisure, Sport and Tourism Education, 2 (2) 48-58, 2003.   

The Cornish church heritage as destination component

Tourism, 50 (4) 371-381, 2002.

Antiques-based tourism: our common heritage?

Co-authored with Sarah Dutton, Acta Turistica, 14 (2) 97-119, 2002.

An Inspector calls: farm accommodation providers’ attitudes to quality assurance schemes in the county of Devon

Co-authored with Rachel Hill, International Journal of Tourism Research, 4 (6) 459-478, 2002.

Tourism sandwich placements revisited.

In: Vukonić, B. & Čavlek, N. (eds), Rethinking of Education and Training for Tourism, University of Zagreb, 213-230, 2002.

A contemporary review of tourism degrees in the UK

Co-authored with Daniela Fiedel, Journal of Vocational Education and Training, 53 (4) 501-522, 2001.

Movie-induced tourism: the challenge of measurement and other issues

Co-authored with Julia Klug, Journal of Vacation Marketing, 7 (4) 316-332, 2001.

Vocationalism in higher level tourism courses: the British perspective

Journal of Further and Higher Education, 25 (1) 29-43, 2001.

Literary Tourism and the Daphne du Maurier Festival

Co-authored with Zoe Hambly, In Payton, P. (Ed.) Cornish Studies 8, University of Exeter Press, Exeter, 197-212, 2000.

The transition from tourism on farms to farm tourism

Co-authored with Sam Rendle, Tourism Management, 21 (6) 635-642, 2000.

Sustainable Destination Development: the tour operator perspective

Co-authored with Sue Curtin, International Journal of Tourism Research, 1 (2) 135-147, 1999.

Skål International: the development of a Tourism Interest Group

Journal of Vacation Marketing, 4 (2) 161-174, 1998.

This paper reviews definitions of tourism organisations and interest groups in an attempt to categorise the Skål movement; it considers the origins of Skål International from European roots in the 1930s to the worldwide membership base of today and then details key aspects of the organisational struc ture. Analysis of data from a comparative sur vey of UK and US clubs is provided, identifying membership by sector, club numbers and changes over one and five years. The views of Skål club secretaries are dis cussed followed by an assessment of current issues relevant to the movement.

Key Words: skål International, interest groups • membership, tourism organisation

Journal of Vacation Marketing, Vol. 4, No. 2, 161-174 (1998)
DOI: 10.1177/135676679800400207

Tourism sandwich placements: an appraisal

Co-authored with Paul Brunt and Sally Baber, Tourism Management, 18 (2) 105-110, 1997.

Long Distance Paths as rural tourism resources

Busby, G. (1996) Footprint, 2 (2) 10-13

THE INTERNATIONAL TOURISM INTERNSHIP EXPERIENCE: PLANNING FOR THE FUTURE, LEARNING FROM THE PAST

Cornwall – the novel, intangible heritage and cultural tourism

Busby, G. (2009) Cornwall – the novel, intangible heritage and cultural tourism, In In Lira, S., Amoêda, R., Pinheiro, C., Pinheiro, J. & Oliveira, F. (Eds), Sharing Cultures, Green Lines Institute, Barcelos, 297-300.

The transition from ferry product to cruise product: an exploratory study of experiential marketing

Busby, G. (2009) The transition from ferry product to cruise product: an exploratory study of experiential marketing, In Armaitiene, A. & Povilanskas, R. (Eds) Perspectives of seaside tourism: challenges for science and business, International Conference Proceedings, 144-148

Tourism degree internships: a longitudinal study